Disarmed Democracy: preface to the 2002 edition of The New Key to Costa Rica
In this article you will find information on: History, Abolition of the army, the Economy, Democracy, Conservation, and Ecotourism
While the world convulses from tragedy after tragedy, a quiet revolution is going on in Costa Rica. Although it has not made the headlines, the world should take notice of the efforts of many concerned Costa Ricans to rescue their democracy from the inertia and self-serving interests of a traditional two-party system. People from every level of society and every part of the country banded together to create a new third party, Partido Acción Cívica, which, only fourteen months after its founding, garnered 25% of the vote in the 2002 election. Their outspoken presidential candidate, Otton Solís, mobilized the electorate by challenging Costa Ricans to take responsibility for the direction of public policy, building on growing distrust of politics as usual. Even though Solís did not win the presidency, the movement promises to continue--a quarter of the senate seats are now held by PAC members, half of whom are women.
Historical roots
The electorate’s demands for greater responsiveness on the part of the government are part of a long democratic tradition in Costa Rica, which acted progressively long before it became the general trend. The establishment of free, obligatory tax-financed education in the constitution of 1869, the elimination of the death penalty in 1882, and the abolition of the army in 1948 all testify to Costa Rica’s unique character and vision, and all helped lay the groundwork for the present social order.
Costa Rican family trees show that 75 percent of the leading figures in her history were descended from only four conquistadores and, of course, their indigenous consorts. The native people of Costa Rica were never completely dominated by the Spanish colonizers, so the class divisions that exist to this day in other Latin American countries did not develop to the same degree here. The few indigenous groups not decimated by war and disease moved away to isolated mountain regions, where they still live. Costa Rica’s poverty and isolation led colonial families to fend for themselves, resulting in the establishment of more egalitarian values than in other Latin American countries.
When it was discovered in the 1830s that coffee grew well in the highlands of Central America and fetched a high price in European markets, the powerful elites of most of the newly independent nations on the isthmus forced campesinos off the land in order to create large coffee plantations. Not so in Costa Rica. Small farmers were encouraged to grow coffee and sell the beans to central beneficios or processing plants owned by wealthier farmers, who would prepare the beans for export. Thus rich and poor participated together in the coffee-growing process, each small farmer caring for his bushes in a personal way. (Coffee plants demand a lot of attention, and Costa Rican coffee has always been known as one of the finest on the international market.) The beneficio policy gave stability and importance to the small farmer, and allowed him to grow subsistence crops for his family.
The abolition of the army
The development of the educational and electoral systems during the late 1800s provided the basis for a participatory democracy. By the end of the 19th century, political violence was on the decline and the budget of the police force exceeded that of the army. When the victorious forces of the 1948 civil war decided to constitutionally abolish the army, a de facto situation that had been evolving since the beginning of the century was legally ratified.
Costa Ricans, by nature, seek to avoid conflict, so being armyless fits in with the national character. Abolishing the army has had several functions: it inhibits the formation of a military group capable of gaining autonomy; it frees public funds for development; it makes elections the only route to power; it establishes Costa Rica’s neutrality in the region—a militarily weak country cannot be attacked without provoking international condemnation of the aggressor; and it shows the illegitimacy of armed opposition toward a state that has renounced the use of force.
The pragmatic thinkers who brought about the abolition of the army recognized the United States as the dominant superpower of the region, and as their ally and friend. Implied in the army’s abolishment is the belief that the U.S. would come to Costa Rica’s rescue if it were attacked. During the years of Sandinista arms build-up in Nicaragua, many Costa Ricans longed for the United States to invade and put an end to that regime. Then-president Arias faced as much internal opposition to his peace plan as he did external. In fact, it was not until he won the Nobel Prize that his critics started to let up a bit. Similarly, the vast majority of Costa Ricans lauded the U.S. invasion of Panama. Disarmament does not necessarily imply pacifism.
Costa Ricans view the military as an encumbrance to their political and social life as well as to the public budget. They prefer to channel their national resources into health and education. Because of their nationalized medical and social security systems, Costa Rican health care is on par with that of industrialized nations. And, in an attempt to ensure the well-being of future generations, 26 percent of Costa Rica’s territory is legally set aside for national parks, biological reserves, forest reserves and buffer zones, wildlife refuges, and Indian reserves. Having enough money to patrol and protect these areas is another story.
The economy
Even without an army, finding the money to pursue goals of social justice and ecological balance has become well-nigh impossible for Costa Rica as she fights an uphill battle against her tremendous deficit. The International Monetary Fund demands austerity from a government whose bureaucracy employs seven percent of the workforce. The largest chunk of the country’s budget—almost one-third—goes to service the same foreign debt!
Costa Rican currency has suffered regular devaluations over the last two decades. Their annual per capita income is only $6,650, and the gap between rich and poor is growing. Yet, because of Costa Rica’s social programs, life expectancy is the same as in countries whose average income is four times as much.
Democracy
Despite all this, Ticos, rich and poor, actively support their democracy. On election day they honk horns, wave party flags, dress up in party colors, and proudly display their index fingers dipped in purple indelible ink to show they have voted. Usually 90 percent of the electorate turns out to vote, as compared to 20 to 50 percent in the United States. Children, wearing their party’s colors, proudly volunteer to lead voters to the polls.
Forty percent of Costa Rica’s legislators are women and women are rapidly increasing their numbers in such traditionally male-dominated fields a medicine, law and government service. Both the Vice Presidents of Costa Rica from 1998 to 2002 were women. Lineth Saborio is currently First Vice President.
Costa Ricans’ love for the beauty and freedom of their country is almost palpable. At 6 p.m. each September 14, the eve of their Independence Day, everyone drops what they are doing to sing the national anthem. In corner stores and homes across the country, everyone joins in. It’s a rousing hymn in tribute to peace, hard work, and the generosity of the earth, but it’s also a warning that if these things are threatened, Costa Ricans will “convert their rough farming tools into arms,” as they did when William Walker tried to invade in the 19th century.
Conservation
Building on its traditions of grassroots democracy, the Ministry of the Environment has created the Natural Resource vigilance Committees (COVIRENAS), which are active in almost every rural area of the country, educating their neighbors about illegal logging, poaching, fishing, trade in endangered species, water protection, and how each person’s actions can make a difference. They work with art and theater to encourage children’s awareness, carry out clean-up campaigns, and report environmental infractions to the authorities. They are living out Article 50 of the Costa Rican Constitution: “All people have the right to healthy and ecologically balanced environment. For this reason it is legal to denounce actions that infringe on this right and to demand payment for the damage caused.”
Ecotourism
Costa Rica does not want the kind of tourist development that regards local people merely as a pool of potential maids, waiters, gardeners, laundresses, and nothing more. The traditional values of the small independent farmers who are the backbone of Costa Rican democracy could be lost in the process. On the other hand, most Costa Ricans are proud to share the beauty of their land with visitors and know how to make foreigners feel at home
With the advent of ecotourism, young men who were raised hunting turtles have been trained to help visitors understand the ancient ritual of turtle nesting; sharp-eyed campesinos are learning to be taxonomists in the national parks; men and women from the dry Guanacaste region are reviving the ancient pottery-making techniques of their ancestors; indigenous women from Talamanca have written a book to explain their beliefs about conserving the forest and its wildlife.
Even though the campesino and the ox cart are powerful symbols in Costa Rican life, over half the population of the country now lives in urban areas. Cramped housing developments cover the fertile soil of the Central Valley. As happens everywhere, the city dwellers quickly forget their roots. Hopefully, visitors like you will take time to meet Costa Rica’s rural inhabitants and learn to value their knowledge, cultures, and lifestyles, as well as support the small businesses they have created.